Catholic candidates to shape 2026 gubernatorial races in 12 states
In 2026, 14 U.S. gubernatorial candidates publicly identify as Catholic, raising the number of Catholic governors from 20 to 22 if they win. Massachusetts and Texas have Catholic nominees from both major parties, making a Catholic governor likely in each state. Candidates such as Abbott, Hinojosa, Pillen, Fazio and Manweiler discuss how their faith shapes their governance priorities. About half of the 36 gubernatorial contests are open races, offering opportunities for Catholic candidates.
8 days ago
The 2026 gubernatorial elections could increase the number of Catholic governors in the United States from 20 to 22. At least 14 Catholic candidates are running across 12 states, with Catholic nominees from both major parties in Texas and Massachusetts.
Thirty-six states are holding gubernatorial elections in 2026, and about half of the contests are open races because incumbents are retiring or term-limited. The Eagleton Center on the American Governor identifies 20 current governors as Catholic.
If all of the Catholic candidates identified in the article win, the total number of Catholic governors would rise by two, from 20 to 22.
In Massachusetts, Democratic Gov. Maura Healey is facing Republican Michael Minogue. In Texas, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott is facing Democratic state Rep. Gina Hinojosa; both states therefore have Catholic nominees representing the two major parties.
Abbott, who was first elected governor in 2014, said his Catholic faith informs his positions on protecting life, abortion, euthanasia, justice for victims, workers’ dignity, and service to others.
Hinojosa, a member of the Texas House since 2016, described her faith as a moral compass that gives her purpose and the courage to act according to her convictions.
Republican Gov. Jim Pillen is running against former Democratic state Sen. Lynne Walz. Pillen said his Catholic faith is the foundation of his public service and shapes his commitment to protecting life, serving with humility, respecting human dignity, and strengthening communities.
Republican Ryan Fazio is challenging Democratic Gov. Ned Lamont. Fazio said his Catholic beliefs emphasize serving others, acting morally, remaining humble in leadership, and rejecting the temptations of power.
Democrat Terri Pickens Manweiler is challenging Republican Gov. Brad Little. She identified herself as a non-practicing Roman Catholic and said her faith guides her personal beliefs while emphasizing that she supports separation of church and state and would not impose her religious views through government.
The candidates’ statements reflect differing approaches to the relationship between Catholic belief and public office. Some describe faith as a direct influence on policy and governing priorities, while others emphasize personal guidance and limits on the use of religious convictions in government.
Assess Catholicism’s influence on contemporary U.S. gubernatorial politics
Catholicism remains a significant—but diffuse and nonpartisan—influence on contemporary U.S. gubernatorial politics. Its influence is strongest through Catholic voters, bishops, schools, hospitals, social-service institutions, and advocacy networks, but it does not operate as a unified voting bloc or dictate a single gubernatorial platform.
Catholic teaching encourages laypeople to participate actively in public life and to evaluate policies according to the common good, human dignity, subsidiarity, and solidarity. The U.S. bishops explicitly state that political participation includes more than voting and that Catholics must form their own consciences rather than receive instructions about which candidate to support.
At the state level, this produces influence through:
The Church’s institutional presence also gives Catholic arguments a public platform. Catholic social action historically includes hospitals, schools, shelters, and food programs directed toward the welfare of the whole society, not merely Catholics.
Abortion is probably the clearest area of Catholic influence in gubernatorial politics, particularly after Dobbs returned substantial regulatory authority to the states. Catholic teaching treats protection of innocent human life as a preeminent obligation, while also connecting a “culture of life” to poverty, housing, education, healthcare, employment, and racism.
Consequently, Catholic influence may support:
This creates internal tension. Some Catholics prioritize legal protection for unborn life, while others give greater political weight to immigration, economic justice, healthcare, or opposition to the death penalty. The bishops’ framework rejects reducing Catholic political responsibility to one or two issues, even while distinguishing direct attacks on innocent life as especially grave.
Catholic ideas of human dignity and solidarity often lead Catholic institutions and voters to support more generous treatment of immigrants, refugees, the poor, and marginalized communities. The Church’s political framework emphasizes protecting vulnerable people and pursuing justice and solidarity.
In gubernatorial contests, this can affect debates over:
However, Catholic teaching does not automatically prescribe one administrative policy. Prudential judgments—practical decisions about how best to achieve moral goals—remain legitimate.
Catholic schools and parents make education policy an important point of engagement. Catholic principles support the role of families and smaller communities, reflected in subsidiarity, which holds that higher levels of government should not unnecessarily displace lower-level institutions. The bishops identify subsidiarity as one of the four foundational principles of Catholic social teaching.
This can translate into support for:
Yet Catholic actors may disagree about public funding, standardized testing, school regulation, and the balance between parental choice and the state’s responsibility to ensure educational access.
Catholicism does not map neatly onto either major party. Catholic teaching combines positions commonly associated with conservatives—such as opposition to abortion and concern for religious liberty—with positions often associated with liberals—such as support for immigrants, anti-poverty programs, labor rights, and healthcare access.
The bishops therefore caution Catholics not to let party affiliation replace moral judgment. Political parties should be evaluated in light of Catholic principles, rather than Catholic identity being reshaped by partisan loyalty. The Church’s leaders also generally avoid endorsing or opposing individual candidates.
This means Catholic influence is often issue-specific rather than electorally uniform. A Catholic organization may oppose a governor’s abortion policy while supporting that governor’s labor or immigration policies. Likewise, Catholic voters may split between parties depending on which issues they regard as most urgent.
Catholic influence should not be exaggerated. The supplied material establishes Catholic principles and forms of participation, but it does not provide current state-by-state polling, gubernatorial voting data, or evidence that Catholic voters determine particular elections. It therefore cannot substantiate claims that Catholicism currently controls, or decisively determines, gubernatorial outcomes.
Several factors limit its political power:
Catholicism’s contemporary influence on U.S. gubernatorial politics is best described as substantial but pluralistic. It shapes the moral vocabulary of debates over abortion, poverty, immigration, education, healthcare, and religious liberty; mobilizes institutions that directly serve state populations; and supplies candidates and voters with a durable account of human dignity and the common good.
Its influence is less effective when presented as a demand for automatic partisan allegiance or a single-issue agenda. The bishops’ model is instead conscience formation: Catholics should participate actively, assess candidates and policies through the whole range of Catholic social teaching, and exercise responsible judgment in pursuit of the common good.