Comments from outgoing CBCI president criticized by lay leadership group, turned into parting shot by conference
A Kerala-based Islamic separatist group, the Popular Front of India (PFI), was accused by outgoing CBCI president Bishop Andrews Thazhath of malicious interference in the Syro-Malabar Church's liturgical dispute. Thazhath claimed the PFI aimed to create divisions within the Syro-Malabar Church to weaken it, citing information from an official involved in raiding the banned organization. A prominent lay organization, Almaaya Munnettam, criticized Thazhath's remarks and demanded he provide further details or retract his allegations. The tensions arise while the Syro-Malabar Church is already dealing with a protracted internal dispute over liturgical practices. Cardinal Anthony Poola of Hyderabad was elected as the new president of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) on February 7, 2026.
28 days ago
Bishop Andrews Thazhath stepped down as president of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) following a vote on February 7, 2026.1
Cardinal Anthony Poola of Hyderabad was elected as the new CBCI president during the General Meeting.1
Thazhath claimed "malicious interference" by the banned Islamist group Popular Front of India (PFI) in the Syro-Malabar Church's liturgical dispute.1
He cited an unnamed official from a PFI raid, who allegedly said the group aimed to divide the Church to weaken it.1
Thazhath also pointed to support from Hindu extremists, hardline Christian groups, and politicians promoting sectarianism.1
The Ernakulam-Angamaly archdiocese's lay group Almaaya Munnettam held a news conference condemning Thazhath's remarks as serious accusations against another community.1
Spokesperson Riju Kanjookkaran demanded specifics, including the officer's name and details of PFI's involvement, or risk perceptions of deliberate communal discord.1
The dispute involves unifying the Mass liturgy (Holy Qurbana) across the 4.5-million-member Syro-Malabar Church, mandated in 2021 but resisted in Ernakulam-Angamaly.1
Pope Francis appointed Thazhath as apostolic administrator there in 2022; he resigned in 2023 amid ongoing tensions, with a resolution reached mid-2025.1
Father Kuriakose Mundadan noted the issue traces to 1923 when Ernakulam became the Church's chief see.1
Thazhath highlighted India's declining Christian population from 2.7% to 2.3%, with Catholics at 1.67%.1
His comments preceded Kerala assembly elections in April 2026 and echoed prior unsubstantiated claims.1
Examine lay influence on episcopal authority in Indian Catholicism
In the ancient tradition of the St. Thomas Christians in India, lay involvement in Church governance was notably pronounced through assemblies known as palliyogams. These were parish-level gatherings of clergy and laity that handled administrative, judicial, and communal matters, reflecting a synodal ethos where the laity participated actively alongside priests. The regional yogam judged serious cases involving priests and faithful, requiring consensus from representatives of four churches before any punishment could be imposed, underscoring a collective decision-making process that limited unilateral episcopal or hierarchical action. At the highest level, the general yogam—comprising priests and lay representatives from all parishes—served as the supreme authority for the entire Church of St. Thomas Christians. Presided over by the Archdeacon of All India, it exercised legislative, judicial, and administrative powers over the community, dispersed across various kingdoms. This structure manifested the Church as the "people of God," emphasizing unity and communion beyond strict hierarchical control.
The Archdeacon, often a key figure since at least the 4th century with the arrival of Mesopotamian Judeo-Christians, governed practically in tandem with these assemblies, handling matters not requiring episcopal orders. The Indian Church's link to the Church of the East (via metropolitans from Rewardshir/Fars) allowed this model to persist, with the yogam embodying shared responsibility. However, this lay-clerical collaboration represented a form of influence rather than direct authority, as ultimate spiritual oversight rested with visiting metropolitans.
The arrival of Portuguese missionaries in the 16th century introduced tensions, as Latin-rite archbishops under the Padroado system—trained in a monarchic episcopal model—claimed full jurisdiction and viewed the Archdeacon's role and yogams as incompatible. Archbishop Francis Garcia, SJ, defended his authority vehemently, curtailing the Archdeacon's administrative powers as a deliberate policy. This erosion fueled grievances culminating in the Coonan Cross Oath of 1653, where St. Thomas Christians repudiated Latin archiepiscopal control. Archdeacon Thomas's subsequent invalid episcopal ordination by priests led to schisms, birthing the Marthomite, Jacobite, and Orthodox Churches, while the Catholic remnant adapted under continued Latin influence. During Latin governance (1599–1896), regional and general yogams became extinct, incompatible with Western medieval concepts of centralized episcopal power that excluded lay participation in administration. Today, the parish palliyogam persists in modified form within the Syro-Malabar Church, aligned with the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches, but with severely limited powers under episcopal governance.
Catholic teaching consistently affirms that laity hold no inherent share in spiritual jurisdiction or governance, a principle rooted in canon law and tradition: "the laity have no authority over things or persons ecclesiastical; it is their duty to obey not to command." Laymen cannot head a Church community, legislate spiritually, or judge ecclesiastical cases; such acts by laity are null. The Ecclesia docens (teaching Church: pope and bishops) holds official doctrinal authority, while laity form the Ecclesia docta (taught Church), permitted private defense of faith but submissive to ecclesiastical control.
Yet, complementarity is emphasized: bishops remain "prime agents of evangelization," with priests and laity as collaborators in a "polyphonic and hierarchical" Church. Priestly leadership and lay responsibility enrich each other mutually, fostering vocations when harmonized. Vatican II's Apostolicam Actuositatem outlines the hierarchy's duty to promote lay apostolate, providing principles, direction, and mandates while preserving lay initiative in temporal spheres. Lay works claiming "Catholic" status require Church approval; hierarchy judges moral conformity and can entrust pastoral functions like catechesis under strict control. John Paul II reinforced that lay leaders in ecclesial roles must align fully with Church teaching, avoiding confusion, under pastoral oversight.
In India, this framework contextualizes historical yogams as delegated lay contributions, not challenges to episcopal primacy, though Western impositions highlighted cultural clashes in authority models. Broader synodality, as in ecumenical councils, expresses episcopal collegiality under the Roman Pontiff, not lay governance.
Modern documents stress forming laity for societal leadership while safeguarding hierarchical unity. In India, post-schism Catholic Churches (e.g., Syro-Malabar) retain vestiges of palliyogam but subordinate them to bishops, aligning with universal norms against lay jurisdiction. No sources indicate ongoing lay influence undermining episcopal authority; instead, they underscore delegation and harmony. Dioceses guide lay ministry professionally, as in human resource models, but under episcopal leadership.
In summary, Indian Catholicism's history reveals robust lay influence via palliyogams and the Archdeacon, embodying communal governance until curtailed by Latin centralization, leading to schisms. Catholic doctrine upholds episcopal authority as primary, permitting lay collaboration through mandates and apostolate, ensuring fidelity to the hierarchical nature of the Church. This balance promotes evangelization without compromising spiritual order.