On Election night, the religious left is back
Democratic victories across the country marked a renewed, more visible role for the religious left in the 2026 election. Presbyterian seminarian James Talarico won the Texas Senate race, making faith and messages of love and justice central to his campaign. United Methodist pastor Adam Hamilton won an upset in Kansas with a centrist platform that also drew on Scripture and faith. Nine pastors, former pastors and seminarians ran for Congress as Democrats, while Trump and conservative religious allies questioned their Christian credentials and views on LGBTQ people.
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The 2026 midterms brought a series of victories for Democratic candidates who openly foregrounded their religious identities and values. Winners included pastors and seminarians in several states, alongside the first Jewish governor of Ohio and the first Muslim elected to the U.S. Senate. 1
In Texas, state Rep. James Talarico won the U.S. Senate race after making his Presbyterian faith a central part of his campaign. In his victory speech, he invoked Jesus’ challenge to injustice and displayed the message “Love thy Neighbor.” 1
In Kansas, United Methodist pastor Adam Hamilton defeated Republican Sen. Roger Marshall, ending a run of nearly a century without a Democratic U.S. Senate victory in the state. Hamilton campaigned on economic issues and a centrist approach, while drawing on scripture, including Micah 6:8, in his speeches. 1
In Iowa, Presbyterian minister and state legislator Lindsay James and Lutheran minister and state senator Sarah Trone Garriott both won congressional seats, giving Democrats two pickups. The Rev. Frederick Haynes III also won Texas’ deep-blue 30th congressional district, while Missouri Rep. Emanuel Cleaver retained his seat. Together with Georgia Sen. Raphael Warnock, the incoming Congress will include three Black pastors, all Democrats. 1
Ohio Democrat Amy Acton was elected the state’s first Jewish governor. In Michigan, Abdul El-Sayed became the first Muslim U.S. senator; he referenced the Islamic phrases “Inshallah” and “Alhamdulillah” in his victory remarks. 1
The Democratic candidates and their supporters emphasized compassion, inclusion, justice and service. Jim Rigby, Talarico’s former pastor, described the results as an “awakening” around the idea that “everybody counts.” A member of Talarico’s church pointed to its food pantry, homeless ministry, showers and meal service as examples of the community’s commitment to helping neighbors. 1
Republican leaders and conservative religious figures challenged some candidates’ Christian credentials and criticized their support for LGBTQ people. President Donald Trump insulted Talarico and Hamilton, Vice President JD Vance questioned Talarico’s sexuality and described Hamilton as wearing the “skin suit” of Christianity, and conservative pastors called for Hamilton to repent or said Talarico’s views disqualified him from being Christian. In Iowa, Republican Joe Mitchell said ministers Lindsay James and Sarah Trone Garriott were not “real” pastors. 1
El-Sayed also faced attacks: Trump falsely cast him as a “jihadist,” according to the article. 1
Not all faith-forward Democratic candidates prevailed. Former Methodist pastor Anna Golladay lost in Tennessee’s 3rd District, where Republican Rep. Chuck Fleischmann appeared headed for a decisive win, and progressive evangelical Robb Ryerse lost to Rep. Steve Womack in Arkansas’ 3rd District by nearly 13 points. 1
Republican religious candidates also had mixed results. Pastor John Elleson lost in Illinois’ deep-blue 9th District, while North Carolina Rep. Mark Harris, a Southern Baptist minister, held a lead of less than two percentage points with 99% of votes counted at midnight. 1
Theological foundations of religious participation in democratic politics
Religious participation in democratic politics rests, in Catholic thought, on a theological vision of the human person and the common good: people are not merely private individuals or subjects of the state, but persons whose dignity and responsibilities call them to help shape social life. Political participation is therefore a legitimate—and ordinarily important—way to serve neighbors and the common good. Democracy is valuable, but it is not morally self-justifying: its institutions depend on respect for human dignity and rights, and its decisions remain answerable to moral truth.
The first foundation is the dignity of every human person. In the Catholic account presented in these sources, democratic participation is not simply a method for counting preferences. It is meaningful because persons have moral agency and should have a genuine part in public life. The Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith states that democracy succeeds only when it rests on a proper understanding of the human person, and that respect for the person makes democratic participation possible. It identifies protection of personal rights as necessary for citizens to take an active part in public life.
This sets both a foundation and a limit. A majority vote can establish a lawful policy, but it cannot by itself make that policy just. If a political decision disregards the dignity or basic rights of persons, democratic procedure alone does not settle its moral legitimacy. Conversely, the protection of rights is not an obstacle to participation; it helps make responsible participation possible.
Politics is directed toward the common good: the social conditions and goods that enable people and communities to live with dignity. Catholic participation is thus not meant to secure benefits only for Catholics, or to promote the interests of a religious faction. The cited Catholic scholarship describes the common good as including the welfare of non-Catholics as well as Catholics, while the Vatican document names goods such as peace, freedom, equality, respect for human life and the environment, justice, and solidarity.
Participation follows from the Christian understanding that faith concerns life in the world, not only private devotion. The Vatican document recalls Christians’ long history of civic involvement and says that lay Catholics should contribute through voting and other forms of public engagement, cooperating with fellow citizens according to their competence and responsibilities. It describes this as a way for the lay faithful to bring Christian values into social life while respecting the proper character and legitimate autonomy of the temporal order—the political and social sphere.
“the lay faithful are never to relinquish their participation in ‘public life’”
The point is not that every Catholic must enter party politics or adopt one political program. Rather, Christians should not treat public affairs as morally irrelevant or leave their responsibility to others. Participation can take many forms, including voting, public discussion, service, advocacy, and work in civic institutions. The U.S. bishops likewise describe responsible citizenship as a virtue and political participation as a moral obligation.
This responsibility is particularly associated with the laity, whose vocation includes bringing a Christian moral outlook into ordinary social and political life. The bishops’ document quotes Gaudium et Spes to distinguish this lay role from the pastoral task of bishops and priests: lay people are called to witness to Christ within human society, while pastors provide spiritual light and preach the Gospel. The distinction cautions against confusing the Church’s moral witness with the direct management of political affairs.
Religious participation is not simply the projection of private preference into public policy. The Catholic sources describe political judgment as guided by a well-formed Christian conscience: one formed by moral reflection and the faith’s understanding of human dignity and the common good. The bishops describe the Catholic contribution to political discussion as a moral framework drawn from human reason, illuminated by Scripture and Church teaching.
This has two implications. First, religious citizens should be able to explain their political judgments in ways that address shared human concerns, such as dignity, justice, solidarity, and the protection of vulnerable people. Second, democratic dialogue requires cooperation with people who do not share the same faith. The Vatican document expressly calls Catholics to work with other citizens and recognizes the variety of forms and responsibilities involved in public participation. The basis for cooperation is not that religious convictions must be hidden, but that political life involves citizens reasoning and acting together for the common good.
The sources also reject the idea that religious organizations must abandon their convictions in order to participate. The U.S. bishops affirm the right of individual believers and religious bodies to speak and participate without government interference, favoritism, or discrimination, and argue that religious contributions can enrich rather than threaten pluralism. They point to the Church’s practical experience in education, care for people in need, service to families, and peacebuilding as part of its contribution to civic life.
A distinction is necessary between public religious witness and theocratic control. The supplied sources support the former: Catholics are to contribute moral convictions, service, and public engagement, while respecting the legitimate autonomy of political and social life and cooperating with other citizens. They do not make democratic government an instrument for simply transferring ecclesiastical authority into the state.
Religious participation is therefore not a claim that every political dispute has a simple, directly revealed answer, nor that a church should replace democratic institutions. It is a claim that citizens’ moral and religious convictions are relevant to their judgments about the common good and should not be excluded merely because they are religious. Democratic arrangements, meanwhile, must protect the rights and freedom that allow believers and nonbelievers alike to take part.
Christian participation also has a spiritual measure: politics is service, not salvation. A scholarly theological reflection in the supplied material interprets Christ’s self-giving as illuminating political action as service of the common good, while warning against expecting historical politics to realize a perfect or final society. This is a theological interpretation rather than a magisterial definition, but it coheres with the Catholic sources’ emphasis on service, responsibility, and the common good. It suggests that Christian political engagement should be serious about improving social conditions while remaining wary of any movement or party that promises a utopia or treats political power as ultimate.
Taken together, these foundations call religious citizens to participate actively, form their consciences, respect the dignity and rights of others, and seek the good of the whole community. They also require humility: political participation takes place among citizens with different beliefs, involves shared institutions, and cannot eliminate every disagreement or injustice. The Catholic rationale is neither withdrawal from democracy nor the sacralization of a political program. It is the responsible service of persons and the common good, informed by faith and exercised within a genuinely plural civic life.