A University of Notre Dame political scientist commented on the implications of President Trump's rhetoric regarding the acquisition of Greenland. The expert noted that Catholic social teaching offers guidance relevant to the situation concerning Greenland. The expert suggested Pope Leo XIV's recent condemnation of "diplomacy by force" might apply to the Greenland situation, alongside conflicts in Gaza, Ukraine, and the South China Sea. Residents of Greenland have expressed opposition to being bought by the U.S. or becoming a 51st state, preferring independence.
about 2 months ago
President Donald Trump's administration has intensified rhetoric about acquiring Greenland, an autonomous Danish territory, either by purchase or force.1 This comes amid gatherings like Davos and follows recent White House talks with Danish officials, revealing ongoing disagreements.1
Greenlanders express a desire for independence, rejecting US statehood.1
On January 9, 2026, Pope Leo XIV condemned "diplomacy by force" in his speech to the diplomatic corps.1 Experts suggest this may indirectly reference Greenland, alongside conflicts in Gaza, Ukraine, and the South China Sea.1
Michael Desch, director of Notre Dame's International Security Center, views the Greenland push as unnecessary and counterproductive.1 The US already maintains military access, including bases from WWII and Cold War eras, without needing full control.1
Desch criticizes the administration's foreign policy as maladroit, comparing it to similar missteps on Venezuela.1 He sees low risk of global war over Greenland, prioritizing threats like Ukraine or Taiwan instead.1
Catholic social teaching emphasizes solidarity, justice, and peace as one human family.1 Desch notes American Catholics and bishops uphold these ideals but highlights a gap between aspirations and geopolitical realities.1
US cardinals have called for a moral foreign policy, aligning with these principles.1
Notre Dame students exhibit pessimism rooted in the 2008 financial crisis, COVID-19, and post-9/11 wars, viewing international crises as secondary to personal issues.1
Desch draws on St. Augustine's "City of God" for realism: strive for justice on earth without expecting utopia.1 He remains optimistic about America's future, citing talented, faith-committed youth.1
Catholic social teaching guides state sovereignty and non‑violent diplomacy
Catholic social teaching (CST) affirms the legitimacy of state sovereignty as derived from the people while subordinating it to the universal common good, subsidiarity, and solidarity. It guides states toward non-violent diplomacy by prioritizing peace through justice, dialogue, and fraternal collaboration over coercion or force, as seen in papal addresses, conciliar documents, and episcopal statements. This framework respects national autonomy but insists on moral limits, fostering international relations rooted in human dignity rather than power struggles.
CST grounds state sovereignty in the natural equality of persons and popular sovereignty, viewing political authority as delegated by the people for the common good. As articulated in historical Catholic thought from Vitoria, Bellarmine, and Suarez, people possess a natural right to determine their government, delegating authority to leaders under conditions of just exercise. This principle permeates modern CST: "The subject of political authority is the people considered in its entirety as those who have sovereignty." Consequently, constitutions must respect all citizens' interests, avoiding exclusions that deny non-Catholics' role in legitimating the state.
Subsidiarity further bolsters sovereignty by affirming that higher authorities should not usurp functions proper to lower ones, allowing nations to express their full sovereignty. Pope John Paul II linked this to Church-state normalization, where respect for religious liberty manifests subsidiarity and national sovereignty, especially in historically Catholic nations. The Compendium of the Social Doctrine echoes this by tying justice to solidarity, transcending contractual views to promote unity.
Limits exist: sovereignty serves the common good, not tyranny. While medieval theologians like Aquinas permitted rebellion in extreme cases, contemporary teaching, per Pius IX's Syllabus, condemns refusing obedience to legitimate princes except under explicit conditions. State officials enjoy immunity from foreign jurisdiction to preserve sovereignty and diplomacy, flowing from non-interference principles essential for peaceful relations. Violations, like politically motivated prosecutions, undermine mediation and peacebuilding.
CST elevates non-violent diplomacy as the path to peace, rooted in solidarity—the virtue binding humanity as one family. "We are our brothers’ and sisters’ keepers," demanding eradication of poverty, racism, and violence through peacemaking, with force only as a last resort guided by moral criteria. Pope Paul VI's maxim, "If you want peace, work for justice," underscores this, echoed in calls for global solidarity beyond national borders.
The U.S. bishops' Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship provides a non-partisan framework: dignity, common good, subsidiarity, and solidarity transcend ideologies, urging Catholics to evaluate policies for justice and peace. This includes welcoming immigrants, protecting the vulnerable, and stewardship of creation, all fostering diplomatic harmony. European bishops similarly invoke "truth, memory, and solidarity" for reconciliation, critiquing self-interest that erodes common goods and slows common foreign policies.
Papal diplomacy exemplifies this. Pope Benedict XVI reflected on Italy's unification, noting no inherent social conflict between faith and citizenship, with Catholics contributing to unity via social works despite institutional tensions. Recent teachings from Pope Leo XIV emphasize Holy See diplomacy as pastoral, seeking fraternity over privileges, united in Christ for peace amid global challenges. His address to diplomats calls for preserving family-like dialogue, resisting indifference to the poor and creation.
Religious freedom, per Dignitatis Humanae (DH), underpins non-coercive diplomacy. DH affirms immunity from coercion in beliefs, rooted in human dignity—a policy shift from prior state-Church alliances, not doctrinal reversal. This enables states to pursue truth without violating rights, aligning sovereignty with evangelization through witness, not force.
Foreign policy applications, like aid to Haiti, illustrate: assistance promotes development as "the new name for peace," integrating diplomacy, defense, and solidarity for security.
Controversies arise in interpreting CST's evolution. Critics see DH as rejecting Catholic confessional states, but it reforms policy amid pluralistic circumstances, retaining doctrinal truths on truth's public role. Historical tyrannicide debates yield to modern caution against rebellion, prioritizing orderly transitions.
In practice, CST guides sovereignty via conscientious participation: bishops urge applying principles to policies without partisanship, forming consciences for dialogue. Pope Leo XIV's diplomacy models this irreplaceable ministry for episcopal selections and peace.
In summary, CST respects state sovereignty as popular and subsidiarial while directing it through solidarity toward non-violent diplomacy. Peace fruits from justice-loving nations cooperating fraternally, as popes and bishops teach, building a world of dignity and reconciliation.