Pew survey: Majority of Catholics say Trump is too critical of Pope Leo XIV
Pew Research Center surveyed 1,848 U.S. Catholics; 78% view Pope Leo XIV favorably, a decline from 84% last summer mainly due to lower favorability among Catholic Republicans. Favorability varies by party: 84% of Democratic‑leaning Catholics view Leo favorably versus 72% of Republican‑leaning Catholics, with 22% of the latter group holding an unfavorable view. 70% of Democratic‑leaning Catholics say President Trump has been too critical of Leo, while only 32% of Republican‑leaning Catholics share that view; 39% of Republicans believe Leo has been too critical of Trump. The survey notes that Leo has been praised for balancing criticism of Trump’s policies, especially on Iran, and that Trump’s remarks are viewed negatively by many Catholics.
3 months ago
The Pew Research Center’s latest American Trends Panel survey shows that Pope Leo XIV enjoys strong overall support among U.S. Catholics, while opinions about President Donald Trump’s criticism of the pontiff split sharply along partisan lines. 1
The Pew data indicates that Pope Leo XIV remains broadly popular across the Catholic electorate, especially among frequent Mass‑goers and Democratic Catholics. At the same time, a clear partisan divide exists over President Trump’s public criticism of the pope, with a majority of Catholic Democrats viewing Trump as overly critical, while a sizable minority of Catholic Republicans see the pope as the more critical party. These findings align with earlier national polling that shows general public disapproval of Trump’s attacks on the pontiff.*
Catholic attitudes toward papal‑political relations vary by party
Catholic teaching draws a clear distinction between (a) the Church’s moral and pastoral role in public life and (b) party politics. For that reason, while Catholics’ practical attitudes toward the pope-and-politics question can vary by political party, the Church’s normative guidance does not endorse “party-first” judgments; it insists on judging political actions by human dignity, the common good, and the protection of the weak, and on avoiding both partisanship and neutrality on moral truth.
A consistent theme in Catholic social teaching is that the Church (and by extension the papacy) is involved in public life, but not as a political party competitor.
So, if your claim is that “Catholic attitudes toward papal-political relations vary by party,” Catholic teaching would still say: the pope’s political relevance is moral and civilizational, not partisan. Catholics may choose different candidates and parties, but the Church does not license the pope to be treated as an official partisan actor.
A second baseline is the Church’s rejection of “neutrality” on basic moral issues, even while respecting legitimate political pluralism.
In other words: Catholic attitudes may differ in tone or emphasis across parties, but the Church’s teaching is that public engagement is morally serious—not “hands-off”—while still not becoming a partisan campaign machine.
Catholic teaching allows Catholics real participation in party structures, but it warns against confusing personal views or party platforms with the Church’s authority.
This is an important theological check on the “vary by party” claim. Even if Catholics gravitate toward one party for practical reasons, the Church’s authority is not reducible to that party’s worldview; Catholic conscience must still evaluate what is morally right and what protects human dignity.
Even though Church teaching is not partisan, it does not pretend that politics is purely abstract. Political cultures differ, and Catholics often experience the Church’s moral teaching differently depending on what each party claims to prioritize.
For example, the Bishops’ Conference of England and Wales notes that while “none of the main political parties merits unqualified support,” Catholics can still appreciate commitments expressed by different parties (e.g., common-good commitments, alleviation of poverty, workers’ rights, local democracy).
This is a nuanced way of saying: there can be real differences among parties, and Catholic voters may legitimately notice those differences—but not in a way that suspends moral judgment.
The US bishops explicitly frame the Catholic task as examining candidates’ positions on issues affecting “human life and dignity” and issues of “justice and peace,” while also considering integrity and philosophy—and then they add the methodological warning to choose leaders “according to principle, not party affiliation or mere self-interest.”
That means the Church anticipates that political party identity will tempt people into shortcuts, but the Church’s guidance is to resist those shortcuts.
Across the sources, the moral through-line is consistent: Catholic public engagement is oriented to protecting human dignity—especially the weak—and to seeking justice and peace through principled judgment rather than partisan loyalty.
So, yes: attitudes can vary by party in how Catholics perceive the pope’s interventions, the urgency of specific issues, or the rhetoric they hear. But Catholic doctrine presses back against any conclusion that different parties may legitimately treat the pope as a partisan advocate for their platform. The Church’s role remains moral, universal, and nonpartisan—even when different parties pursue different priorities.