Pope prays for victims of violence in southwestern Colombia
Pope Leo XIV addressed Spanish‑speaking pilgrims, expressing sorrow over rising violence in southwestern Colombia. He noted at least 26 attacks by rebel groups since last Friday, resulting in dozens of civilian and military casualties. The Pope prayed for victims and urged all to reject violence and choose peace. The violence surge occurs ahead of Colombia's presidential election on May 31, with authorities blaming a specific group.
about 23 hours ago
Pope Leo XIV used his April 29, 2026 General Audience to denounce the recent surge of armed attacks in southwestern Colombia, express solidarity with victims and their families, and urge a decisive turn toward peace as the nation heads toward its May 31 presidential election 1 2 3.
Investigate the Church’s role in promoting peace amid Colombian violence
The Catholic Church’s role in promoting peace amid Colombian violence is both spiritual and public: she offers a moral critique of violence, provides a vision of peace rooted in justice and love, and—through her institutions and bishops—engages concrete peace-building processes, advocating for human rights, reconciliation, and the protection of civilians.
Catholic social teaching defines peace not merely as the absence of armed conflict, but as something that requires an order based on justice and charity, grounded in the human person’s dignity and oriented to the common good.
In the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, peace is described as:
“Peace is a value and a universal duty founded on a rational and moral order of society” and it “is not merely the absence of war”.
This matters for Colombia because the Church treats violence as a symptom of deeper social disorder (marginalization, impunity, rights violations), not simply a security problem to be managed.
The Compendium teaches that peace is both:
So the Church’s peace work in Colombia is not simply “negotiations” but also moral formation: restoring dignity, repairing relationships, and creating conditions in which people can live in truth and freedom.
The Compendium explicitly locates this in the Church’s mission:
The Church is, in Christ, “a ‘sacrament’ or sign and instrument of peace in the world and for the world.”
This frames what the Church is doing in Colombia: not replacing the state’s role, but acting as an agent of peace—through pastoral presence, advocacy, and coordination with initiatives that aim at reconciliation.
The Compendium also emphasizes peace begins internally and then becomes social:
“Peace is built up day after day… it can flourish only when all recognize that everyone is responsible for promoting it.”
This means the Church can’t rely only on ceasefires; she calls for a peace culture that can spread to families, associations, and the political community.
When violence strikes the Church’s own leaders, the response is not silence. Pope John Paul II, condemning violence tied to the kidnapping of a bishop, stated:
“I… condemn once again every form of violence and the violation of human dignity, which is never the way to peace.”
This is a consistent Church pattern: denounce cruelty, insist that violence cannot be justified as peace, and call for the protection and release of victims—while praying that peace be granted.
Similarly, in a message describing internal violence afflicting Colombia, Pope John Paul II adopted the bishops’ condemnations of:
The Church’s peace role therefore includes moral clarity: she treats atrocities and impunity as direct threats to any genuine reconciliation.
The Church’s involvement in Colombia is also institutional and process-oriented. A USCCB backgrounder highlights that, following the 2016 peace agreement between the state and FARC, Colombia faces the challenge of implementation, and that “the Colombian Government, with the support of the Church in Colombia, has been implementing a complex and multi-faceted peace accord” to integrate ex-combatants and extend the state’s reach.
This is significant: the Church’s role is framed as support for long-term peace-building, especially where violence and human rights concerns continue.
According to a 2023 letter from the USCCB Committee on International Justice and Peace, the Colombian bishops’ conference is presented as:
“a critical partner” in implementing the 2016 Peace Accord,
and later as: “the most trusted national civil society organization in Colombia” that is actively supporting and accompanying the peace process with the ELN and taking part in negotiation efforts.
The Church’s peace work here is concrete: she provides accompaniment, negotiation participation, and legitimacy as a civil-society actor trusted by the population.
In a speech to Colombia’s president, Pope John Paul II linked peace to rejecting violence and building just social foundations:
This aligns with Catholic peace theology that peace is an ordered society oriented to justice and common good—not merely a temporary stability.
The USCCB backgrounder on Colombia argues that assistance must include “human rights criteria,” and it highlights the Church’s concern for the safety of human and labor rights activists:
“The Conference has stated that all aid should be conditioned on human rights criteria…”
and also: “The Colombian government must ensure the safety of human and labor rights activists in rural areas…”
This reflects a key Church principle: without protection of dignity and rights, peace cannot consolidate, because impunity and intimidation keep violence “structurally” alive.
The same USCCB material urges support for:
In Catholic teaching, peace is “built up day after day” and requires everyone’s responsibility; transitional justice functions as a way to address wrongdoing while rebuilding trust and social communion.
The 2023 USCCB letter to U.S. Secretary of State states that the Church-bishops’ conference is collaborating with the Colombian peace process and that U.S. support is important to strengthen negotiations. It emphasizes that expanding participation and support can help incentivize civil society engagement and fortify the process toward lasting peace.
The letter also urges openness to a special envoy to Colombia’s negotiation efforts with the ELN, explicitly to “fortify” negotiation position—citing the U.S. history of such support with FARC.
From a Catholic perspective, this is consistent with the Church’s advocacy that peace requires structures of cooperation among persons, peoples, and states, and often benefits from international law and diplomacy as means toward a just order.
Even when the Church engages diplomacy and advocacy, she insists prayer is not escapism. Pope Leo XIV’s peace vigil reflection stresses:
“Prayer is not a refuge… Rather, it is the most selfless, universal and transformative response…”
This helps interpret the Church’s role in Colombia: prayer is paired with the demand to act for justice and reconciliation—because, in Catholic doctrine, peace is transformative only when love and justice work together.
Given Catholic teaching that peace is not just the absence of war, any peace process that neglects justice, dignity, and human rights cannot be considered true peace.
This is why Church-associated advocacy repeatedly returns to issues like:
Nothing in the provided sources suggests the Church replaces state responsibility. Rather, the Church is presented as a sign/instrument of peace, a moral voice, and a civil-society partner that can accompany processes, offer advocacy, and encourage conditions for reconciliation.
The Church promotes peace amid Colombian violence by combining doctrinal clarity (peace rooted in justice and love), moral condemnation of violence and rights violations, and practical accompaniment of peace implementation and negotiation processes—especially through the Colombian bishops’ conference’s civil-society role and international advocacy for safeguards, reconciliation, and rural inclusion.