Report warns of U.S. shift away from prioritizing international religious freedom
Dallas Baptist University’s Center for Global Religious Freedom released a July 27 report warning that the U.S. and other Western nations have reduced their focus on international religious freedom advocacy. The report cites cuts to USAID, suspension of refugee resettlement, and the removal of an ambassador‑at‑large for international religious freedom as key signs of a “retreat” from human‑rights priorities. It argues that the Trump administration’s foreign‑policy shift toward military, economic, and territorial interests has weakened programs that counter restrictive laws, support early warning systems, promote interfaith dialogue, document violations, and provide emergency assistance to persecuted communities. European states are reportedly following the U.S. lead by scaling back their own foreign‑assistance initiatives that promote religious freedom, further amplifying the global impact of the retreat.
about 2 months ago
A recent report by Dallas Baptist University’s Center for Global Religious Freedom claims the United States has moved away from a strong diplomatic focus on international religious freedom, noting cuts to funding, staffing, and the vacancy of the ambassador‑at‑large position. 1 The analysis points to reductions in USAID programs, suspension of the refugee resettlement scheme, and the incorporation of the International Religious Freedom Office into a broader human‑rights bureau, which together have limited the U.S. ability to support early‑warning systems, interfaith dialogue, and emergency aid for persecuted communities. 2
The report also highlights that European allies appear to be following the U.S. lead by trimming their own foreign‑assistance budgets for religious‑freedom initiatives. 1 It raises concerns about the lack of a 2025 International Religious Freedom report, a statutory requirement, and notes that the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom’s 2026 annual review found a “significant portion” of programs terminated. 2
In response, a State Department spokesperson argued that the Trump administration, with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, has reaffirmed the United States as a global leader on religious freedom, citing visa revocations for violators, the designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern, and public advocacy for Christians abroad. 1
Former diplomat Alberto Fernández offered a more nuanced view, suggesting that religious‑freedom advocacy has historically been a secondary concern in U.S. diplomacy, often treated as an “add‑on” among many issues. He noted that, while the administration has taken steps such as engaging with Syria, prioritizing Nigeria, and supporting Orthodox Christians in Turkey, sustained attention to religious freedom requires continual pressure from advocates. 2
Overall, the debate centers on whether recent policy shifts represent a retreat from longstanding U.S. leadership on religious freedom or a strategic reorientation that still includes targeted actions like visa sanctions and specific country designations.
U.S. policy shifts undermine international religious freedom advocacy
U.S. policy shifts that weaken religious-freedom institutions, narrow foreign assistance, or subordinate human-rights advocacy to short-term national interests can damage both the protection of persecuted communities and the credibility of American diplomacy. Catholic teaching supports religious freedom as a universal human right—not merely as a strategic instrument or a privilege granted by governments.
The Church grounds religious freedom in the dignity of every human person, created in the image of God. It includes more than private worship: people must be free to profess their faith publicly, practice it, organize religious communities, and live according to conscience within the demands of the common good.
The U.S. bishops therefore describe religious liberty as a right that “knows no geographical boundaries.” They urge U.S. policy to promote it both domestically and internationally, protecting people from coercion by governments, groups, or other human powers.
This principle applies universally. The Holy See’s diplomatic position is not that Christians alone should receive protection. Pope Leo XIV explicitly calls for full freedom of religion and worship for every religious community, while rejecting antisemitism and encouraging Jewish-Christian and broader interreligious dialogue.
The USCCB has supported the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom because it regards USCIRF as an independent and bipartisan mechanism for documenting violations and making recommendations to the President, Secretary of State, and Congress. In 2024, the bishops urged Congress to reauthorize the commission precisely because religious minorities were being discriminated against, harassed, and killed.
A policy shift that diminishes such independent monitoring can have several consequences:
The concern is especially serious because religious freedom is already deteriorating globally. Pope Leo XIV cited data indicating that 64 percent of the world’s population experiences serious violations of religious freedom and described the persecution of Christians as affecting more than 380 million believers.
A narrow policy definition might protect church buildings or formal worship while ignoring discrimination in education, employment, family life, charitable activity, or public speech. Catholic teaching rejects that limitation.
Archbishop Gabriele Caccia explained that religious freedom includes the ability to live according to one’s beliefs and for religious communities to organize themselves in service to their members. It can also help marginalized people become active agents of their own development.
Likewise, the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue states that religious freedom includes the right to publicly profess, practice, propagate, and change one’s religion. Where religion is manipulated for political ends or persecution occurs, Christians are called to denounce it prophetically.
This has direct implications for foreign policy. Advocacy should address not only imprisonment or physical violence but also:
The Church also recognizes the right not to adhere to a religion or to change one’s religion. The Dicastery for Interreligious Dialogue notes that coercion can include social exclusion, loss of employment, imprisonment, expulsion, and even death.
The available Catholic sources also criticize a broader foreign-policy tendency: treating international assistance primarily as a tool for national security, economic gain, or support for preferred allies.
The USCCB and Catholic Relief Services warned against policies that focus assistance on “friends and allies” or require foreign aid chiefly to advance national security. They argued that such an approach undermines U.S. moral leadership and neglects the common good of poor and vulnerable communities.
The bishops’ position is not that national security is irrelevant. Rather, security is incomplete when separated from human dignity, development, peace, and solidarity. International assistance can save lives, reduce conflict, and strengthen societies; therefore, it should not be treated merely as a transaction for political or economic advantage.
This matters for religious-freedom advocacy because persecution often flourishes in fragile states marked by poverty, corruption, weak institutions, and violence. Cutting humanitarian assistance, diplomacy, and peacebuilding can indirectly worsen the conditions in which religious extremism and state repression grow. The USCCB has argued that U.S. policy should balance defense with diplomacy and development rather than rely primarily on military or counterterrorism responses.
Religious-freedom policy is most effective when it supports local communities rather than speaking about them from a distance. Catholic organizations emphasize that faith-based institutions are often among the few credible civil-society bodies remaining in repressive or conflict-afflicted countries.
These institutions may provide humanitarian aid, mediate between armed groups and governments, monitor elections, defend human rights, and publicly denounce corruption and state violence. Yet they are frequently underfunded and vulnerable to intimidation, imprisonment, kidnapping, or violence.
Consequently, policy changes that reduce support for civil society, humanitarian organizations, or religious communities can undermine the very actors best positioned to defend religious freedom on the ground. The Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue calls on Christians to urge governments to respect religious freedom comprehensively, especially where religious institutions and individuals are prevented from carrying out their mission.
The USCCB similarly maintains that faith-based organizations should be recognized as partners—not substitutes for government—and that governments should not require Catholic institutions to compromise their religious identity or moral convictions in order to participate in public-service programs.
Catholic analysis also requires caution about framing religious freedom as a weapon against only one political faction or one class of regimes. The right is universal, and violations can come from authoritarian governments, religious extremists, revolutionary movements, or democratic states that impose ideological uniformity.
Pope Leo XIV warned that freedom of conscience is increasingly questioned even by states that identify themselves with democracy and human rights. He described conscientious objection as a legitimate expression of fidelity to deeply held moral, ethical, or religious convictions—not automatically as rebellion.
At the same time, Catholic political reflection warns against assuming that attacks on religious liberty come exclusively from one side of the political spectrum. Bruce Marshall argues that pressure against the Church and other religious communities can arise from both the political left and the political right.
This guards against a partisan distortion of international advocacy. A credible policy must defend:
The Catholic standard is consistent protection of the person and the community, not selective protection based on geopolitical convenience.
In light of these sources, a Catholic assessment would support several priorities:
From a Catholic perspective, the problem with weakening international religious-freedom advocacy is not simply institutional or diplomatic. It concerns the failure to defend a fundamental dimension of human dignity. Religious freedom is not a favor bestowed by powerful nations, nor merely a tool for advancing American interests. It is a universal right that governments have a duty to protect.
U.S. policy can legitimately pursue security and national interests, but Catholic teaching insists that these aims must remain ordered to the common good, human dignity, peace, and solidarity. When religious freedom advocacy, humanitarian assistance, independent monitoring, and support for local faith-based actors are weakened, both persecuted communities and the moral credibility of international diplomacy suffer.